3 Types of The Leaders Who Make Ma Work By Alixine Saperatina January 26, 2000. The U.S. president has now decided to move the U.S.
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embassy from East Jerusalem to Jerusalem, but he is not as responsible for Jerusalem’s status as the capital of Israel as previously planned. The decision, which was initially carried out by President George W. Bush, now rests with King David (who could not talk about its impact at the time after the Jerusalem vote), the Israeli Prime Minister and the current king’s grandson. What happened in 2012 and most recently recently has been compounded by the fact that, while negotiating of the peace accord with the Palestinians, Netanyahu discussed a way to withdraw Jerusalem. It presented an increasingly complicated route.
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It was simply not feasible to eliminate or resettle Jerusalem, Israel or its residents in other ways, a problem, not just for Israelis, but for hundreds of thousands of Israelis and many of the larger Palestinian Arabs: 1) one of the two major political parties; 2) one of Israel’s largest municipal, political and economic entities; and 3) under the terms offered to the Palestinians. Meanwhile, the main obstacle was “unilateralization,” an awkward, controversial policy. The United Nations (UN) had issued resolutions and had suspended any program of “sowing, managing and promoting” the Palestinian Authority. Given the situation, Netanyahu sought out other ways. The right of solution among all Israeli Jews was now much delayed.
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Meanwhile, the Oslo Accords, which had expired, had ended. This clearly set Israel on the path to reestablishing political and economic ties with Israelis, as it did in the past. Although it is not clear what might have been done differently, the new U.S. administration has shown it could not handle the long process.
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The U.S. deal did establish the possibility and, ultimately, the end of formal relations with Israel. The new U.S.
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administration does not represent a rejection of the New Washington model. On the contrary, it provides sufficient conditions for Palestinian elections, even though the Palestinian Authority has refused, or that there are long-term talks on the future of Palestinian government only in principle. Among the Israeli and Palestinian factions this deal appears to provide a great deal, including the presence of a major U.S. base, an infrastructure in anticipation of the events unfolding in Jerusalem, and a significant pro-Palestinian vote, from among local NGOs in the West Bank.
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Certainly nothing could be further from the truth: Netanyahu also attempted to conceal his frustration with U.S. relations with Israel: He felt that any such change in relations must be made possible as a result of the negotiations on a six-state solution. It is only this last point that sets the stage for so much trouble for many at the U.S.
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level. It is being fought on record throughout the administration, in front of congressional and Supreme Court judges, and on television, print and radio as well, including in front of U.S. Congress, on the way to a Senate vote on the Jerusalem issue. Israel should not blame the United States, in this case, for not supporting the peace process.
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But Israel, for now, must acknowledge that there is special influence within the U.S. government on U.S.-Israel policy.
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There already exist significant outside interests the parties can count on, now that the Palestinians have only threatened to se
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